Ireland. Will Brexit blow up Britain?

  • Brexit, to which the Northern Irish trade unionists were most enthusiastic, maintained close ties with the kingdom and created a frontier that would disrupt these relations.
  • The author writes that the slogan of the Brexit supporters is “regaining control” which is logically simple, but it threatens to destabilize the already torn kingdom.
  • Irish nationalists support Britain to stay in EU, most trade unionists vote to leave
  • Not only did Brexit fail to take Northern Ireland’s place in the UK, it also shook the region’s delicate constitutional balance.
  • The slogan of “sovereignty” thrown out by the Brexitists is being taken seriously by the Scottish and Welsh peoples, and will make possible the future collapse of the United Kingdom.

Original article on the website

Evidence that supporters of staying in the Union will reconsider the Brexit conflict is with pictures of buses burning with a line labeled “Peace Line” in Northern Ireland.

Euroseptics – including many in the ruling Conservative Party – argue that unrest is the result of a hateful protocol in Northern Ireland, part of Britain’s Brexit agreement with the European Union, which has successfully established the maritime border referred to by many trade unions as “the continent.”

Half right on both sides, half wrong. Brexit and the Protocol are two sides of the same coin: the British government’s rage over the restoration of sovereignty, which is said to have given to Brussels and left the EU to regain it.

The Brexit slogan of “regain control” may be logically simple, but it is subjecting the already torn kingdom to fundamental instability. It is nowhere to be seen other than in Northern Ireland.

Competitive visions of “sovereignty”

The problem really arises from the struggle between competing visions of sovereignty. The Irish Republican Army wanted to create a united Ireland by force. In contrast, loyal paramilitary troops – often with the help of British security forces – took up arms to keep Northern Ireland in the Kingdom in the 1960s.

As a result – about 30 years later, 3,500 people died – a military stalemate ensued. Its dissolution, the Good Friday Treaty, brought sovereignty to both sides with exceptions. Northern Ireland remains part of the United Kingdom, but its annexation is to the liking of the majority of its citizens. Political organizations connect Dublin, Belfast and London.

But the old dreams of sovereignty are slowly dying out. Although Irish nationalists strongly supported Britain’s stay in the EU, most trade unionists voted to leave, based on the misconception that Brexit would partially reduce Dublin’s involvement in Northern Ireland affairs.

This belief has always been a cynicism. Not only did Brexit fail to gain Northern Ireland’s place in the UK, it also shook the region’s delicate constitutional balance.

More and more British politicians considered Britain’s new sovereignty – recall Jacob Rees Mock, MP, President of the House of Commons, who declared that fish were “better and happier” because they were British – the Brexit divorce treaty protocol in Northern Ireland was very strange.

On the other hand, Brexit convinced Irish nationalists that it was only a question of when United Ireland would emerge.

Can fly not only to Ireland

Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s “sovereignty” Brexit pushed other parts of Britain out of the center.

The British government is trying to insist on maintaining a unitary state with power in Westminster, but the decentralization arrangements that led to the Scottish and Welsh parliaments at the end of the last century say otherwise.

For many voters in Scotland, and increasingly in Wales, their national parliaments are the main source of sovereignty – even though the legislature still resides in London.

The UK member of the European Union has covered many of these cracks. Brussels is given a certain amount of skills subject to conflict between different layers of government.

While the threat of some British ministers to centralize powers returned from Brussels has largely abated, the scenario is set for future wars between Westminster and the decentralized parliament. For this reason alone, the UK internal market is defined unilaterally from London.

British Trade Unionism This muscle reflected the Westminster-centric pose. At one time trade unionism was multifaceted – taking very different forms in different parts of the kingdom – and it is now increasingly taking on the colors of individual nations: red, white and blue.

The British government made it clear this week that it intends to challenge a bill passed by the Scottish Parliament to incorporate the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child into local law.

The great contradiction in Johnson’s strict adherence to the cult of parliamentary sovereignty is that it prevents him from reaching the compromise necessary to repair the fallen British relations.

The “trade union for trade union” formed by the British government is being shaken by the fighting. To date, his most important projects have been state flags, ranging from government buildings to corona virus vaccines.

The epidemic has exacerbated tensions within the UK constitutional framework, with each of the “four countries” pursuing its own public health policy last year. As a senior British government official warned this week, the epidemic has sown the notion that the Prime Minister “speaks only for the UK”.

Federalism is an idea, and its time will definitely never come, because what to do with the UK, which makes up 85 per cent of the world’s population? UK population? But the federal interpretation of the Constitution would allow contradictions while preserving the unity of the state.

But such flexibility is not possible as British politics is still dominated by the promise of unlimited sovereignty. Brexit is definitely the reason for that, as well as the violence this week.

Peter Geogen “Democracy for Sale: Dark Money and Dirty Politics”

Editing: Mikas Proniotovsky

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